Independence and the border
Brexit has re-energised the campaign for Scottish independence and tied support for independence more closely to support for the European Union. Independence in the EU remains the ambition of the SNP Government. But Brexit brings new challenges to that ambition, not least regarding the status and management of the border that Scotland shares with England. Following independence, the Anglo-Scottish border would be an international border between Scotland and the (remaining) UK. It would also become a new UK-EU border if Scotland rejoined the EU. As an EU member state, Scotland would be required to manage and protect this EU border.
What does border management look like?
Border management is the responsibility of all independent countries. Border authorities need to check who or what is crossing the border, that the criteria for entry are satisfied, and that entry can be denied if they are not. The scale of border management is influenced by the relationship and agreements between the countries on either side. Checks also vary depending on who or what is crossing the border and the purpose for doing so.
Some border checks take place ‘at the border’. This may involve physical inspections of documentation or goods. Many checks take place ‘behind the border’, in warehouses, in workplaces, or via IT processes. Surveillance technology can be used at some border crossings, especially away from the main crossing points. But technology does not eliminate the need for some physical infrastructure and inspections.
The Anglo-Scottish border after independence
In a report for the UK in a Changing Europe, Professor Katy Hayward and I considered what checks and processes might be necessary to manage the Anglo-Scottish border in the event of independence in the EU.[1] Because this would also be a UK-EU border, most of the rules underpinning border management are derived from the EU-UK Trade and Co-operation Agreement (TCA).
Footnotes
Professor Nicola McEwen FRSE, Professor of Territorial Politics, University of Edinburgh
This article is part of the Constitutional Futures Initiative.
The RSE’s blog series offers personal views on a variety of issues. These views are not those of the RSE and are intended to offer different perspectives on a range of current issues.
